
The Prime Minister’s Indigenous welfare reform is manifold. It has introduced Shared Responsibility Agreements and Regional Partnership Agreements for Indigenous communities, and restructured the Community Development Employment Projects scheme. It has abolished the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission and distributed its functions between mainstream government departments. Indigenous Australians are categorised as marginal, non-institutionalised and illegitimate political minorities. In effect, the government has muted the Indigenous voice from a perspective of blaming the victim, as opposed to viewing the issue within power and inequality in the distribution of resources.
The push to treat unequal Indigenous Australians equally by mainstreaming government services is in direct contrast to the United States and Canadian experiences where the degree of self-government that Indigenous nations exercise determines the change in rates of disadvantage. Ideas of empowerment through tactical intervention and emancipatory vision substantiate the overseas experience. These ideas provide an insight into ways of fostering an understanding and acknowledgment of human authenticity. They present an alternative pattern of intercultural communication where Indigenous issues set the context of government policy making in an environment of recognition of Indigenous experiences.
The native tribes of Central Australia, published in 1899, was by far and away the best photographically illustrated ethnography up to that time. It has been suggested that Spencer and Gillen relied on photography because of the practical difficulty they had in communicating with the Arrernte and in understanding what was going on. Here it is argued that the involvement with photography arose out of the intersection of the limits that face verbal communication when in the presence of complex performance, and the significance of visual information within the emerging natural-science fieldwork orientation. However, it seems that Spencer and Gillen’s intellectual understandings of Arrernte life and culture were challenged by the photographs, leading them to deny aspects of the evidence the photographs provided.
In April 1930 Ralph O’Reilly Piddington, his new wife Marjorie (née Barnes), and the American linguist Gerhardt Laves left Sydney for their first fieldwork in north-western Western Australia. Piddington had recently completed his bachelors degree in psychology and anthropology, Marjorie had suspended her studies. Laves, from Chicago University and a student of the famed North American linguist Edward Sapir, had been especially recruited by AR Radcliffe-Brown, the Foundation Professor of Anthropology in the University of Sydney. Their destination was La Grange, at that point well known to anthropologists from Sydney, both AP Elkin and the racial psychologist SD Porteus having worked there. The trip to Perth was via the transcontinental rail line and then by boat and truck. It was a journey not only to find a niche in the new discipline of social anthropology but also to possibly make a career, in linguistics for Laves, and psychology and social anthropology for Ralph Piddington. It is unclear what scholarly ambitions Marjorie harboured at the time. It was a journey that established and directed their future careers, although at the time they were joyfully unaware of the consequences, both professionally and personally, of this expedition.
An ongoing debate surrounding the use of the didjeridu is the appropriateness of women playing it. This article explores examples of the quite diverse public discourse on the didjeridu in Australia (and elsewhere) but also some of the paradoxes informing the debate. The debate is characterised herein as part of a broader process of the construction of social memory via what is remembered or forgotten when the didjeridu is discussed or used. It is argued that, although gender is one dimension of the debate, there are other pertinent issues that need to be recognised as pivotal.
Since the 1980s, the number of recordings made by Indigenous Australian performers has grown and those by Indigenous Australian women particularly have increased in the last 16 years. While scholars have examined the factors for the increase of recordings made by Indigenous performers generally, critical literature focusing on the continuing growth of recording output by Indigenous women performers is limited. Drawing on two discographies I have compiled of commercial recordings by Indigenous women performers, I examine the possible factors contributing to the growth of recordings by Indigenous women artists since 1990. I also examine some issues regarding gender and music and the social and political contexts relating to the recording output of Indigenous Australian women.
In this paper we explore the changing relationship between Aboriginal peoples and the Australian state within the context of Australian federalism. Our particular focus is on the relationship between the institutional organisation of Australian health systems and the equitable provision of health services to Aboriginal Australians. We examine the historical development of this relationship over three key periods. The period from Australian federation in 1901 to the 1967 referendum resulted in the deletion of race clauses from the Australian constitution. The Commonwealth’s racialised constitutional and legislative framework created a structural basis for racial rationing. Incrementally, from 1967 to 1995, the Commonwealth developed a national Aboriginal health program but without a corresponding
development of institutional links with national health financing and policy structures. Since 1995 there has been some success in the development of intergovernmental agreements in Aboriginal health (the Framework Agreements for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health) and a National Strategic Framework for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health which is linked to the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health performance measurement framework. We argue that these developments provide a platform for the equitable provision of health services to Aboriginal Australians and we identify some of the key barriers to the realisation of this.
Evidence-based policy making in health is of great importance when addressing issues of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health inequalities. I explore the role of evidence in influencing the decisions of policy makers, and question the relevance and accuracy of current evidence to the life experiences, social and cultural environments, and aspirations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander persons. I examine the concept of evidence and Lin’s (2003) competing rationalities within the context of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health. Lin describes three competing rationalities: cultural, political and technical. A social rationality can also be included, one that relates to how we see and know the world. Social rationalities may differ according to gender, class, age, ethnicity and place. White middle-class persons and politically marginalised Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples do not think and interpret realities in the same way because of divergent structural positions, histories and cultures. Cultural rationality informs and shapes social, political and technical rationalities because the latter are grounded in and developed by the former.
Research has a bad name in many Aboriginal communities. There is an often quoted phrase that ‘Aboriginal people are the most researched in the world’, and that researchers take from communities in order to gain academic qualifications with little benefit returned to Aboriginal peoples. But, like most things, research can be both ‘good’ and ‘bad’. Increasingly, since the 1980s, Aboriginal peoples have been asserting their right to control research. Often this control has been applied through ethics processes, or through the use of Indigenous methodologies.
The Cooperative Research Centre for Aboriginal Health represents a further development in the control of Aboriginal health research by Aboriginal peoples. It provides a mechanism for directing the development, funding, conduct and dissemination of research in ways
designed to maximise the likely benefits of the research for Aboriginal peoples—to do ‘good’ research. This has led to the development of a new model for the research industry, in which research priorities are set by the Aboriginal health sector, research projects are developed through facilitated collaboration with research users, and even the peer review or quality assurance process is very different.
The present urgency across the world is for Indigenous peoples to take leadership in addressing the spiritual and humanist inadequacies of Western cultural development. It is time to join with others who have found their way out from under the burden of their intellectual heritage of empire to consider future citizenship states that can do more than reduce our ecological expectations to the level of mere survival. A mode of citizenship that is a synthesis of knowledges and interventions with ‘place’ and ‘space’ has potentially revolutionary implications in restoring quality of life and ecological justice. Indigenous peoples, ecologists and ethicists (ethical philosophers) are in a prime position to assist the human community in reconnecting itself with nature. As such, it is the fusion of these knowledges that underlies the model of a ‘Universal Citizen’, a model of universe-referent citizenship that places the universe, and all living and non-living life forces, as the ‘primary’ for human existence in the future.
This paper critically examines pregnancy health care and services for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women, to explore the question of what might ‘make a difference’. More antenatal care, and in particular Aboriginal women attending for care earlier and more often, is often put forward as what is needed to improve pregnancy outcomes, as well as the health of future populations. However, evidence from epidemiological, clinical and health services research problematises this assertion. An alternative and preferable driver for the reform of maternity services for Aboriginal women would be to allow women themselves to have more say in decision making at both individual and institutional levels.
The health of Indigenous Australians has been unacceptable for many years. Generations have never recovered from the effects of colonisation, genocide, and attempted assimilation. Introduced diseases, poor nutrition, dislocation of families and clans from traditional lands, poverty, and human rights issues have historically combined to impact on Indigenous health and wellbeing. Vast distances, lack of educational opportunities, and reduced access to higher education have contributed to serious under-representation of Indigenous persons in the health professions, including nursing, a profession that, along with other health disciplines, has not always welcomed Indigenous persons nor been inclusive of Indigenous health issues in its educational curricula.
In 2000 four nurse leaders collaborated to become the Indigenous Nursing Education Working Group. In 2003 INEWG released the ‘gettin em n keepin em’ report, which made 32 recommendations aimed at encouraging universities to recruit and retain more Indigenous persons in nursing. Strategies to increase the awareness, knowledge and skills of nurses to care for Indigenous people can be incorporated into nursing curricula. Better cultural acceptance of Indigenous people in the university sector has been emphasised.
In 1977, a documentary film entitled They used to call it Sandy Blight was produced by independent filmmakers on the National Trachoma and Eye Health Program, a program to survey and treat the eye health of rural Australians, particularly Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders. The documentary raised awareness of and generated support for Aboriginal health. In this paper we discuss the eye health of Aboriginal peoples prior to and at the time of the documentary and the debate surrounding calls for the film’s censorship.
This is a statement paper of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander men’s health issues and recent policy initiatives at the national level. During colonisation, Indigenous men were dispossessed of land and livelihood, status and authority, and meaning and purpose. The health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander men today is unacceptable in a wealthy post-industrial society. The complexity of men’s health issues relates not only to the determinants of health but also to how men care for their health. The paper discusses recent national initiatives in Indigenous men’s health, particularly the formation of the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Male Health and Well-being Reference Committee in 1999 and the establishment of The National Framework for Improving the Health and Well-being of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Males in 2003.
This paper arose out of research with men of the Western Desert of the Kimberley, Western Australia. While Aboriginal health is well known to be poor, not much is known about Aboriginal male experiences and perspectives of their health. In particular, this research picks up the concept of kanyirninpa (‘holding’) as developed by Myers with the Pintupi 30 years ago. It explores kanyirninpa as understood today by another desert people and what it means for men’s health. I consider examples where men continue to seek health that is culturally based, creative and controlled by themselves, concluding by suggesting some implications for Aboriginal men’s health.
East Kimberley concepts of health and illness can be discussed within a framework of Aboriginal cosmologies, ontologies, and relational practices. In Australian Aboriginal traditions, the cosmos and its lifeforms were composed of ancestral substances and energies. East Kimberley peoples subscribe to a flow theory of life and a relational-moral causality. However, biomedical regimes are tailored to the requirements of atomistic individuals, and chronic conditions self-management programs are articulated in terms of self-motivating, goal-directed clients. Health programs which cohere with Aboriginal social requirements will be more successful than initiatives directed at the individual level. Notions of social, relational and family efficacies can be developed to facilitate behavioural change in relational cultures. Indigenous concepts of the body, health and illness can be used to humanise Western physiology and produce health programs that are meaningful to Aboriginal peoples.
With focus on an all-Aboriginal community in rural central-western New South Wales, and developing the notion of treatment as ‘a site of negotiation’, I illustrate the socially and culturally distinctive understandings of what it means to be ‘a healthy Aboriginal person’. In this community, it is not necessarily understandings of ‘health’ that diverge from what appears to be a miscommunication between Aboriginal patients and health care professionals; disjunctures can emerge from expectations of treatment regimes. By analysing mainstream health practices in the context of the socialising paradigms inherent in Aboriginal peoples’ practices, I propose that the emphases of treatment be shifted in order to better integrate Aboriginal understandings of ‘health’, which entails preserving ‘cultural security’ for Aboriginal persons in their dealings with the health system. Aboriginal persons who participated in my research indicated that the quality of their immediate social life, as expressed in their relationships to others (patient as ‘social person’), is of greater value than the biophysical needs of their sick bodies (patient as ‘individual’). I examine the implications of these relationships for bodily health.